This book unravels the origins, continuities, and discontinuities of Finnish higher education as part of European higher education from the Middle Ages to the 21st century. It describes the emergence of universities in the Middle Ages and the Finnish student, and moves on to the Reformation and the end of Swedish rule. It then discusses the founding of the Royal Academy of Turku, its professors and governing bodies, its role as a community, student numbers, the research and controversies. Travelling through the age of autonomy, the first decades of independence and the Second World War, the book examines the expansion of higher education, the development of the system, and the establishment of polytechnics. It concludes by analysing the multiple institutional and organisational layers of Finnish higher education. Altogether, the book offers an historical study that shows how and why education and higher education have been important in the process of making the Finnish nation and nation state.
Das Wartburgfest von 1817 ist ein symbolträchtiger Erinnerungsort der deutschen Geschichte. Zwei Jahre nach dem Ende der Napoleonischen Ära setzte das Festereignis ein Signal des politischen Aufbruchs: Für die föderative Nation und den Nationalstaat, für Verfassung und politische Partizipation. Im Wartburgfest kamen somit all jene Problemkomplexe zusammen, die in den folgenden Jahrzehnten die Politik und Gesellschaft in Deutschland bis über die Reichsgründung hinaus prägen sollten. Allerdings fällt es nach wie vor schwer, die Vielschichtigkeit des Ereignisses historisch zu erfassen und differenziert darzustellen.
Anlässlich des 200. Jubiläums des Wartburgfestes im Oktober 2017 veranstalteten die Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena und die Wartburg-Stiftung Eisenach eine Tagung, die sich den Voraussetzungen und Folgen des Ereignisses widmete, um das Geschehen aus der Perspektive einer europäischen Verflechtungsgeschichte zu würdigen.
Wettbewerb unter Hochschulen ist seit der Exzellenzinitiative auch in Deutschland in aller Munde. Bei der interuniversitären Konkurrenz handelt es sich jedoch keineswegs um ein neues Phänomen: In einem historischen Längsschnitt von der Spätaufklärung bis in die 1980er Jahre hinein zeichnet Fabian Waßer kompetitive Praktiken deutscher Universitäten nach. Aufbauend auf Georg Simmels triadischem Konkurrenzmodell stehen dabei Fragen nach den am Wettbewerb beteiligten Akteuren, den Prämien der Konkurrenz und den schiedsrichterlichen Instanzen, die über die Verteilung derselben entscheiden, im Vordergrund.
Im Fokus der Untersuchung stehen Umbruchphasen, in denen sich neue Wettbewerbsordnungen etablierten: die Epoche von der Gründung der Aufklärungsuniversität Göttingen bis zu den Humboldtschen Bildungsreformen sowie das Kaiserreich und das « Dritte Reich », aber auch die « langen 1960er Jahre » und der Beginn der « Ära Kohl » in den 1980er Jahren. Im Vergleich wird deutlich, dass sich der Wettbewerb bei einer Verknappung der Prämien verschärfte und Zeiten starken Konkurrenzdrucks mit Phasen eines nur schwach ausgeprägten Wettbewerbs abwechselten.
Cet ouvrage s’intéresse au discours des enseignants de ZEP face à des élèves en grande réussite scolaire (EGRS). Ils témoignent de difficultés à évaluer la réussite qu’ils qualifient de subjective, parlent du manque de motivation et du risque d’ennui dans un milieu pouvant s’avérer peu propice aux apprentissages. Ces élèves sont parfois sous-nourris, instrumentalisés voire oubliés par les enseignants. Ce travail exploratoire mené auprès de 2 500 enseignants d’écoles élémentaires en éducation prioritaire se termine par des préconisations à destination des formateurs, enseignants et futurs enseignants.
L’âge des possibles explore l’adolescence en la considérant comme un temps de la vie durant lequel les paradoxes s’intensifient et les limites se redéfinissent. Une accélération des changements mais aussi la possibilité constante d’une désorientation – dont la société se rend parfois complice – sont mises en jeu. Fabbrini et Melucci offrent une modalité particulièrement originale de décrire et d’analyser non seulement les expériences vives de l’adolescence, mais aussi les enjeux d’une nécessaire négociation entre adultes et jeune génération autour de la différence qui les sépare. De fait, la réception actuelle des phénomènes propres à l’adolescence, notamment une certaine fuite des responsabilités de l’adulte, est également questionnée.
L’âge des possibles (L’età dell’oro pour la version italienne) a rencontré un vif succès auprès des publics universitaires et professionnels du domaine éducatif et social. Anna Fabbrini propose une préface à cette version française revenant sur la manière dont l’ouvrage a posé certains nouveaux enjeux de la vie institutionnelle liée à l’adolescence lors des vingt dernières années.
In this major new study, James F. Stark provides the first historical account of the most dominant ideas, practices, and material cultures associated with anti-ageing and rejuvenation in modern Britain. With a focus on the interwar period, his study uncovers the role of the commercial world in influencing attitudes towards ageing and youth. Stark argues that the technologies of anti-ageing, their commercialisation and their consumption made rejuvenation a possible and desirable aim in a period of socio-political instability, mechanised conflict and extending lifespans. Ultimately, Stark offers an innovative historical account, which draws together bodies, gender, science, medicine, advertising, and ageing, and shows how the quest for youth was transformed by social anxieties about an ageing population and economic crisis.
In the Struggle tells the story of the persistent engagement of eight public scholars spanning generations of sustained endeavor, a dogged war in which workers and scholars together repeatedly took on the powerful agricultural industry, the political machines, and even the universities.
The stories begin in the 1930s with Paul Taylor, a professor of economics at University of California, Berkeley, who pioneered field research and activism as he travelled through the areas marked by the Great Depression, together with his wife, photographer Dorothea Lange. Working in the heart of California’s agricultural Central Valley, Taylor was the first of a succession of scholars who shared the dual commitment to research and engagement, to making problems visible and to effecting change through strategic action. Taylor and Lange intentionally wove their political engagement into their identities and work as researchers, as they conducted studies, led strikes, organized underserved communities, founded community development programs, created nonprofit institutions, and more.
This book documents a tradition of politically engaged scholarship in one of the world’s most dramatic contexts, full of disparities and contradictions, but also ripe with opportunities to make a difference. It covers a struggle that continues undiminished in the present.
The story of school desegregation in the United States often begins in the mid-twentieth-century South. Drawing on archival sources and genealogical records, Kabria Baumgartner uncovers the story’s origins in the nineteenth-century Northeast and identifies a previously overlooked group of activists: African American girls and women.
In their quest for education, African American girls and women faced numerous obstacles—from threats and harassment to violence. For them, education was a daring undertaking that put them in harm’s way. Yet bold and brave young women such as Sarah Harris, Sarah Parker Remond, Rosetta Morrison, Susan Paul, and Sarah Mapps Douglass persisted.
In Pursuit of Knowledge argues that African American girls and women strategized, organized, wrote, and protested for equal school rights—not just for themselves, but for all. Their activism gave rise to a new vision of womanhood: the purposeful woman, who was learned, active, resilient, and forward-thinking. Moreover, these young women set in motion equal-school-rights victories at the local and state level, and laid the groundwork for further action to democratize schools in twentieth-century America. In this thought-provoking book, Baumgartner demonstrates that the confluence of race and gender has shaped the long history of school desegregation in the United States right up to the present.
Korean children and women are the forgotten population of a forgotten war. Yet during and after the Korean War, they were central to the projection of US military, cultural, and political dominance. Framed by War examines how the Korean orphan, GI baby, adoptee, birth mother, prostitute, and bride emerged at the heart of empire. Strained embodiments of war, they brought Americans into Korea and Koreans into America in ways that defined, and at times defied, US empire in the Pacific.
What unfolded in Korea set the stage for US postwar power in the second half of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first. American destruction and humanitarianism, violence and care played out upon the bodies of Korean children and women. Framed by War traces the arc of intimate relations that served as these foundations. To suture a fragmented past, Susie Woo looks to US and South Korean government documents and military correspondence; US aid organization records; Korean orphanage registers; US and South Korean newspapers and magazines; and photographs, interviews, films, and performances. Integrating history with visual and cultural analysis, Woo chronicles how Americans went from knowing very little about Koreans to making them family, and how Korean children and women who did not choose war found ways to navigate its aftermath in South Korea, the United States, and spaces in between.
A stark disparity exists between black and white youth experiences in the justice system today. Black youths are perceived to be older and less innocent than their white peers. When it comes to incarceration, race trumps class, and even as black youths articulate their own experiences with carceral authorities, many Americans remain surprised by the inequalities they continue to endure. In this revealing book, Carl Suddler brings to light a much longer history of the policies and strategies that tethered the lives of black youths to the justice system indefinitely.
The criminalization of black youth is inseparable from its racialized origins. In the mid-twentieth century, the United States justice system began to focus on punishment, rather than rehabilitation. By the time the federal government began to address the issue of juvenile delinquency, the juvenile justice system shifted its priorities from saving delinquent youth to purely controlling crime, and black teens bore the brunt of the transition.
In New York City, increased state surveillance of predominantly black communities compounded arrest rates during the post–World War II period, providing justification for tough-on-crime policies. Questionable police practices, like stop-and-frisk, combined with media sensationalism, cemented the belief that black youth were the primary cause for concern. Even before the War on Crime, the stakes were clear: race would continue to be the crucial determinant in American notions of crime and delinquency, and black youths condemned with a stigma of criminality would continue to confront the overwhelming power of the state.
We Are Worth Fighting For is the first history of the 1989 Howard University protest. The three-day occupation of the university’s Administration Building was a continuation of the student movements of the sixties and a unique challenge to the politics of the eighties. Upset at the university’s appointment of the Republican strategist Lee Atwater to the Board of Trustees, students forced the issue by shutting down the operations of the university. The protest, inspired in part by the emergence of “conscious” hip hop, helped to build support for the idea of student governance and drew upon a resurgent black nationalist ethos.
At the center of this story is a student organization known as Black Nia F.O.R.C.E. Co-founded by Ras Baraka, the group was at the forefront of organizing the student mobilization at Howard during the spring of 1989 and thereafter. We Are Worth Fighting For explores how black student activists—young men and women— helped shape and resist the rightward shift and neoliberal foundations of American politics. This history adds to the literature on Black campus activism, Black Power studies, and the emerging histories of African American life in the 1980s.
Mussolini’s Children uses the lens of state-mandated youth culture to analyze the evolution of official racism in Fascist Italy. Between 1922 and 1940, educational institutions designed to mold the minds and bodies of Italy’s children between the ages of five and eleven undertook a mission to rejuvenate the Italian race and create a second Roman Empire. This project depended on the twin beliefs that the Italian population did indeed constitute a distinct race and that certain aspects of its moral and physical makeup could be influenced during childhood.
Eden K. McLean assembles evidence from state policies, elementary textbooks, pedagogical journals, and other educational materials to illustrate the contours of a Fascist racial ideology as it evolved over eighteen years. Her work explains how the most infamous period of Fascist racism, which began in the summer of 1938 with the publication of the “Manifesto of Race,” played a critical part in a more general and long-term Fascist racial program.
Combining history of science and a history of universities with the new imperial history, Universities in Imperial Austria 1848–1918: A Social History of a Multilingual Space by Jan Surman analyzes the practice of scholarly migration and its lasting influence on the intellectual output in the Austrian part of the Habsburg Empire.
The Habsburg Empire and its successor states were home to developments that shaped Central Europe’s scholarship well into the twentieth century. Universities became centers of both state- and nation-building, as well as of confessional resistance, placing scholars if not in conflict, then certainly at odds with the neutral international orientation of academe.
By going beyond national narratives, Surman reveals the Empire as a state with institutions divided by language but united by legislation, practices, and other influences. Such an approach allows readers a better view to how scholars turned gradually away from state-centric discourse to form distinct language communities after 1867; these influences affected scholarship, and by examining the scholarly record, Surman tracks the turn.
Drawing on archives in Austria, the Czech Republic, Poland, and Ukraine, Surman analyzes the careers of several thousand scholars from the faculties of philosophy and medicine of a number of Habsburg universities, thus covering various moments in the history of the Empire for the widest view. Universities in Imperial Austria 1848–1918 focuses on the tension between the political and linguistic spaces scholars occupied and shows that this tension did not lead to a gradual dissolution of the monarchy’s academia, but rather to an ongoing development of new strategies to cope with the cultural and linguistic multitude.
Teaching the Empireexplores how Habsburg Austria utilized education to cultivate the patriotism of its people. Public schools have been a tool for patriotic development in Europe and the United States since their creation in the nineteenth century. On a basic level, this civic education taught children about their state while also articulating the common myths, heroes, and ideas that could bind society together. For the most part historians have focused on the development of civic education in nation-states like Germany, France, and the United Kingdom. There has been an assumption that the multinational Habsburg Monarchy did not, or could not, use their public schools for this purpose. Teaching the Empire proves this was not the case.
Through a robust examination of the civic education curriculum used in the schools of Habsburg from 1867–1914, Moore demonstrates that Austrian authorities attempted to forge a layered identity rooted in loyalties to an individual’s home province, national group, and the empire itself. Far from seeing nationalism as a zero-sum game, where increased nationalism decreased loyalty to the state, officials felt that patriotism could only be strong if regional and national identities were equally strong. The hope was that this layered identity would create a shared sense of belonging among populations that may not share the same cultural or linguistic background.
Austrian civic education was part of every aspect of school life—from classroom lessons to school events. This research revises long-standing historical notions regarding civic education within Habsburg and exposes the complexity of Austrian identity and civil society, deservedly integrating the Habsburg Monarchy into the broader discussion of the role of education in modern society.
This book considers a crucial moment in the development of English higher education, and also provides a new and comprehensive history of the early decades of Durham University. During the Age of Reform innovative ideas about the role and purpose of a university were moving at an unprecedented pace. Proposals for new institutions in all parts of the country were developing quickly and resulted in the foundation of Durham University, London University (later re-styled University College, London), and King’s College, London. While normally overshadowed by the London institutions, this book demonstrates not only that Durham attempted to produce a far broader institution than any historian has given its founders credit for, but that a remarkable attempt at a third-way in English higher education has been neglected. Matthew Andrews therefore not only provides the first fully researched account of this important national institution since 1932, but also carefully situates Durham in its contemporary context, and alongside the two other most prominent emerging institutions of that time.
This book repositions early modern Catholic abroad colleges in their interconnected regional, national and transnational contexts. From the sixteenth century, Irish, English and Scots Catholics founded more than fifty colleges in France, Flanders, Spain, Portugal, the Papal States and the Habsburg Empire. At the same time, Catholics in the Dutch Republic, the Scandinavian states and the Ottoman Empire faced comparable challenges and created similar institutions. Until their decline in the late-eighteenth century, tens of thousands of students passed through the colleges. Traditionally, these institutions were treated within limiting denominational and national contexts. This collection, at once building on and transcending inherited historiographies, explores the colleges’ institutional interconnectivity and their interlocking roles as instruments of regional communities, dynastic interests and international Catholicism.
What image does the word ‘orphanage’ conjure up in your mind? A sunny scene of carefree children at play in the grounds of a large ivy-clad house? Or a forbidding grey edifice whose cowering inmates were ruled over with a rod of iron by a stern, starched matron? In Children’s Homes, Peter Higginbotham explores the history of the institutions in Britain that were used as a substitute for children’s ‘natural’ homes. From the Tudor times to the present day, this fascinating book answers questions such as: Who founded and ran all these institutions? Who paid for them? Where have they all gone? And what was life like for their inmates? Illustrated throughout, Children’s Homes provides an essential, previously overlooked, account of the history of these British institutions.
Fin dall’insorgere del fascismo vi fu una parte della classe magistrale, fieramente risoluta nel proprio compito, disposta a combatterne con ogni mezzo la propaganda. Per questo tra 1921 e 1945 molte maestre e molti maestri furono costretti a lasciare l’insegnamento, conobbero il confino, caddero vittime della violenza fascista e poi, anche, di quella nazista. Nei primi anni del secolo, dalla fondazione dell’Unione magistrale nel 1900 all’istituzione del Sindacato magistrale aderente alla Confederazione generale del lavoro nel 1919, i maestri avevano acquisito sempre più consapevolezza del loro ruolo di educatori e di operatori sociali, non ritenendosi più soltanto sacerdoti laici con la missione dell’educazione nazionale. Sentivano di dover partecipare in modo attivo alla vita socio-culturale dell’Italia, nella lotta contro l’analfabetismo, nella creazione di una coscienza civica e unitaria, ma anche nello sviluppo del socialismo o del cattolicesimo popolare, che, sebbene in conflitto tra loro, si fondavano sulla medesima necessità di un’istruzione diffusa. Se il fascismo guardò alla scuola elementare come al luogo di formazione e di costruzione della coscienza del nuovo bambino soldato fedele al regime, molti maestri ne contrastarono il linguaggio e i modelli culturali, educando i bambini a principî alternativi: patriottismo, e non nazionalismo, solidarietà, fratellanza e libertà, anziché violenza, razzismo e cieca obbedienza. Le dodici storie qui raccontate rappresentano modalità differenti di opposizione alla cultura dominante, da quelle più aperte e frontali a quelle più calcolate e addirittura dissimulate. Uomini e donne, socialisti, cattolici, liberali o semplicemente patrioti, questi maestri testimoniano che la loro battaglia silenziosa fu possibile, nonostante tutto, e che è stata, ben oltre la sfida e la ribellione, una vera lezione di Resistenza civile.
Il libro ricostruisce le origini dell’educazione fisica nella scuola elementare italiana, ripercorrendo il processo di istituzionalizzazione di questa disciplina, che, esclusa dai percorsi di istruzione popolare ideati ed attuati negli Stati preunitari, guadagnò una sempre più decisa legittimazione nel curricolo primario dell’Italia del secondo Ottocento. L’analisi della normativa e degli strumenti teorici e pratici messi a disposizione dei maestri consente di documentare come le attività motorie siano state dapprima ignorate, poi timidamente accolte e infine integrate tra le finalità ed i metodi del primo ciclo di istruzione del nostro Paese. Attraverso una ben centrata focalizzazione tematica ed euristica, che si concentra soprattutto sul contesto scolastico, la ricerca asseconda le recenti istanze della storiografia educativa poiché fa emergere non solo i significati politico-pedagogici della ginnastica come disciplina della scuola elementare, ma anche le modalità didattiche con cui si realizzava il suo insegnamento.